hankyoreh

In 2018, around 3,000 Germans rallied against the rise of the Alternative for Germany party in Goslar, Germany, carrying signs that said Goslar “respects diversity” and “is no place for racism.” (EPA/Yonhap)

The city of Potsdam is located about 20 kilometers southwest of Berlin, Germany. It’s the capital of Brandenburg, one of Germany’s 16 states. It’s also the historic site of the Potsdam Conference, where the US, UK and Soviet Union discussed how to handle the end of World War II.

Brandenburg has been in the spotlight in Germany after a recent opinion poll found that the far-right political party Alternative for Germany (AfD) enjoys a higher level of support in the state than either the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) or the Social Democratic Party (SPD). AfD candidates were recently elected as mayors of several towns in June and July, but the party has yet to win any statewide elections.

The AfD has been rapidly expanding its base by catering to the political anxiety of residents of former East Germany.

The Hankyoreh sat down with Martin Gorholt, the former undersecretary of Brandenburg’s Ministry for Science, Research and Culture, in Potsdam on Sept. 7.

“The former area of East Germany is becoming the powder keg of conflict inside Germany. Far-right forces are exploiting the state of social anomie,” the former official remarked.

The German academics, politicians, journalists and nonprofit activists whom the Hankyoreh spoke with are worried that the far right is threatening Germany’s stability, but they believe the far right can be defeated. That belief is grounded in a strong sense of confidence in Germany’s political and economic systems.

Germany has been regarded as a model of political stability and economic development since World War II. The two secrets behind that success are political dialogue and compromise grounded in the parliamentary system and the “social market economy” that seeks to harmonize the free market and government intervention.

Germany has seen a total of nine chancellors in the 74 years since the end of World War II. The eight chancellors prior to Olaf Scholz, the current officeholder, were in office for an average of nine years. That stands in contrast to Japan, which has had a total of 50 prime ministers over the same period with an average tenure of less than a year and a half..

That kind of political stability has been achieved through coalition governments, which require cooperation between various political forces. That’s what British journalist John Kampfner praised as the great triumph of liberal democracy in his book “Why the Germans Do It Better.”

Coalition governments are essential in political systems in which none of the major parties are able to capture a majority of seats in parliament. On four separate occasions, Germany has even had “grand coalitions” between the CDU on the center right and the SPD on the center left.

Coalition governments involving diverse political forces have given birth to a political culture of mutual respect, dialogue and compromise. Before a coalition government can be formed, the various parties must first draw up a lengthy coalition agreement. Carrying out the promises made to one’s coalition partners naturally lays the foundation for trust.

“Drafting a coalition agreement is long and tedious, but I believe that process is what enables the agreement to be kept,” said Hannes B. Mosler, a professor at the University of Duisburg-Essen whose focus is in Korean politics.

Germany is the world’s fourth-largest economy. While the “Miracle on the Rhine” was partially made possible by the US’ full-fledged support after the war, it would have been inconceivable without Germany’s unique model, known as the social market economy. The German model prioritizes social and communitarian values by taking advantage of the dynamism of the market economy while allowing the government to compensate for shortcomings in the market.

Gerhard Bosch, a professor and senior fellow at the Heinrich Böll Foundation and an expert on labor issues and labor relations, spoke about the social market economy with obvious pride. “Germany’s greatest invention was building a social safety net for the public by linking the free market and the state,” he said.

Two of the major achievements of the social market economy are the concepts of equal pay for equal work and collective decision-making. The first concept mandates that workers in the same industry receive the same pay for the same kind of work regardless of gender, age or rank. The second concept helped orchestrate cooperation between labor and management cooperation by giving workers a say in companies’ big decisions.

With Germany projected to see negative economic growth this year, some are describing it as the “sick man of Europe,” but many see that as jumping to conclusions.

Bosch offered the following take. “The German economy has a lot of issues, including inadequate investment in infrastructure and the digital sector. But it shouldn’t be treated as a ‘sick man’ because of a single year’s economic growth rate.”

“While Korean exports are led by a handful of large corporations, Germany has a robust economy in which numerous small but strong companies account for 95% of our exports. Most of all, our welfare systems, including social insurance and pension programs [based on the social market economy], serve as the cornerstone of stability in Germany,” the professor emphasized.

Through political stability based on cooperation and coalition governments, Germany has succeeded at simultaneously achieving economic growth and harmony. It is the opinion of many people that political stability and economic development were also necessary for Germany’s reunification.

“Germany is a good illustration of the fact that economic development is only possible when the political system is in order,” emphasized Park Jong-koo, the president of Chodang University.

Given the routine nature of coalition governments, there is little chance that a change of government will lead to an abrupt change in government policy.

“A stable political system in which power changes hands fairly and the rule of law is in effect is attractive to businesspeople and investors,” said Karl-Rudolf Korte, a professor of political science at the University of Duisburg-Essen.

The energy sector is a good example of the consistency of German policy. Even amid the ongoing energy crisis triggered by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Germany shut down its last three nuclear power plants in April and has focused on expanding renewable energy and finding alternatives to Russian natural gas.

“The fossil energy crisis, including the surging price of natural gas, demonstrates the need for faster expansion of renewables and the electrification of buildings and industry,” said Simon Müller of Agora Energiewende, a private German think tank focused on the energy sector.

“Nuclear-related options [such as reversing the nuclear phase-out] are not being considered in this crisis situation not only because the [last] three remaining reactors were generating very little electricity, but also because new [nuclear plant] projects are very expensive and take a long time to build,” Müller said.

“There was — and still is — a broad social consensus in Germany to switch from nuclear and coal power to cleaner forms of energy such as wind, solar and hydroelectricity, as well as renewable hydrogen,” the expert added.

“Renewable energy will serve to protect German citizens and industries from future energy crises,” said Yeom Kwang-hee, a senior associate at Agora Energiewende.

Respected German politicians

When German broadcaster ZDF surveyed the public about the 100 greatest Germans in 2003, six of the people on the list were former chancellors.

In first place was the first chancellor of West Germany, Konrad Adenauer, who is considered the father of the new Germany. Willy Brandt, who laid the groundwork for reunification with his Neue Ostpolitik, came in fifth, while Helmut Kohl, the chancellor who actually carried out the reunification, ranked 13th.

Perhaps if the same survey were repeated, another selection would be Angela Merkel, Germany’s longest-serving chancellor (16 years) and a figure respected for her quiet leadership. South Koreans, whose trust in politicians is at rock bottom, can only look on in envy.

The reason Germany’s political leaders are so respected is because of their outstanding leadership in honoring the public’s wishes and boldly pursuing the changes that the times demand, regardless of left/right bloc-based logic.

“The Social Democratic Party has cooperated with the social market economy spearheaded by the Christian Democratic Union, and the CDU achieved reunification by carrying on the SPD’s Neue Ostpolitik,” explained scholar and Germany expert Kim Jong-in.

German politicians have also led the way in reflecting fully on the crimes of the Nazis and in establishing a rock-solid democracy and education to ensure nothing like it happens again.

In 1970, Brandt became the first West German chancellor to apologize for the Holocaust when he kneeled before a monument to the Jewish ghetto in the Polish capital Warsaw. Even today, this is remembered as a symbolic moment showing Germany’s sincere belief that its historical responsibilities had not ended.

Hannes Mosler said, “Germany’s thorough apologies for its past and its efforts toward historical reckoning have been a foundation for stable political and social development and for the elimination of internal conflict.”

“The recent debate about ‘historical regression’ in Korea shows that it has not achieved enough in terms of reckoning with the past and achieving social consensus,” he concluded.

Defensive democracy

While the rise of the far right in Germany can be attributed to a complex mix of factors, many analysts said economic ones have been especially large contributors, including the economic woes and livelihood difficulties caused by the energy crisis.

“The increased economic difficulties associated with the arrival of Syrian refugees in 2015, the eruption of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, and the Russo-Ukrainian War and energy crisis in 2022 have fueled the spread of far-right views,” commented Martin Gorholt.

Even opposition to refugees is ultimately rooted in economic discontent: locals question why so many are admitted when they themselves are struggling financially.

Between them, Syria and Ukraine have accounted for some 4 million refugees, amounting to 5% of the German population. Meanwhile, economic disparities between regions — a matter that has remained unresolved since reunification — have been another factor contributing to the former East Germany becoming a far-right stronghold.

The AfD has expressed xenophobic and anti-Islamic views. Its members oppose the welcoming of refugees and reflection on history, repudiating Germany’s values and achievements to date — as with their calls for abandoning the euro.

Analysts view their activities as falling on the boundary between constitutional and unconstitutional.

In August, Thomas Haldenwang, the president of the German Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, delivered a public warning over the AfD’s far-right activities. The office is an intelligence agency that serves to protect the German republic and monitor extremist forces who threaten democracy and liberty.

The established political parties in Germany on both the left and right do not see the far-right parties as viable coalition partners, given the threat they pose to the constitutional order. One reason behind this is the “defensive democracy” provision in the Basic Law, which serves as Germany’s constitution.

Article 20(4) of the Basic Law states that all Germans “shall have the right to resist any person seeking to abolish this constitutional order, should no other remedy be possible.”

This serves as a basis for limiting freedom of expression for those who threaten the democratic system and for banning unconstitutional parties and forms of association. For this reason, many Germans think it will be difficult for far-right forces to come to power.

Die Zeit, one of Germany’s major newspapers, launched its “Germany Talks” project in 2017, showing the hopes and potential within German society. In response to the rapid rise of far-right parties and deepening social divisions ahead of the federal elections, the newspaper organized an event of one-on-one dialogue among people with different political views.

“Germany Talks” has since been expanded into the “Europe Talks” format in 2018 and “The World Talks” in 2023. To date, around 290,000 people have taken part from 120 countries.

“Through their encounters, people with different political views have come to understand each other and discover the possibilities for building trust,” explained Sebastian Horn, the deputy editor-in-chief for Zeit Online.

Finding a Korean solution

Antagonism and conflict have been deepening sharply in South Korean society since the arrival of the Yoon Suk-yeol administration.

Political leaders have been accused of amplifying those divisions through constant attacks on critics and the use of wedge tactics rather than working toward social unity. More and more people are questioning whether communities can be sustained at the current rate.

In 2021, the UN Conference on Trade and Development officially recognized South Korea as a “developed economy.” But what the German example shows is that sustainability requires political stability to proceed in tandem with economic development.

This is why the Hankyoreh adopted “The Age of the Polycrisis: A Way to Coexistence” as the theme for the 14th Asia Future Forum on Oct. 11 and selected the German model for closer examination.

In his book “Why Nations Fail,” Massachusetts Institute of Technology professor Daron Acemoglu observes that while the economic systems that determine a country’s wealth or poverty play a key role, politics and political systems determine what economic system a country has.

Because every country has its own historical and social conditions, it is not possible to simply follow the German model. Koreans must find a solution that is right for us.

“While it’s not the case that Germany’s political stability was achieved entirely through cooperative governance based on the parliamentary government system, it certainly has played a major role,” suggested Mosler.

“Since the limits of the imperial presidential system in South Korea have become apparent, it’s necessary to reform both the power structure and election system — but just as important as the system are the people and methods behind it,” he stressed.

By Kwack Jung-soo, senior staff writer

Please direct questions or comments to [english@hani.co.kr]